L2B ne Shqiperi dhe konfliktet e brendshme, raport i Kongresit amerikan

Communist Takeover and Occupation of Albania - Charles J. Kersten; U.S. Congress (1954)Kjo pjese eshte e shkeputur nga nje raport i vitit 1954 i Kongresit amerikan per Shqiperine, titulluar "Communist Takeover and Occupation of Albania", i cili mund te lexohet i plote ketu ose ketu. Raporti flet midis te tjerash per origjinen dhe zhvillimet e Partise Komuniste Shqiptare gjate luftes se dyte boterore, njehesimin e saj me levizjen partizane, dhe konfliktet midis komunisteve/partizaneve dhe nacionalisteve, midis te tjerash dhe per konferencen e Pezes dhe te Mukes. Eshte anglisht kuptohet, dhe per momentin s'kam kohe ta perkthej... mbase e perkthen dikush tjeter, ose vij me vone. Shpresoj te mos perbeje shume problem, pasi shumica e peshqve besoj dine anglisht gjithsesi. smiley

Ishte nje teme paraprake ketu e hapur nga dikush tjeter, e cila qenka fshire (gjynaf se kishte shume komente) dhe rastesisht patem nje diskutimo-debat me Emigrantin...une po i quaja vrasjet midis partizaneve dhe ballisteve lufte civile, Emo s'ishte dakort, dhe ndaj dhe tani po i quaj thjesht "konflikte", per ta lene te hapur per diskutim. smiley Aty pata sjelle tre paragrafe te ketij raportit, duke shtuar qe kishte me teper materiale per keto ceshtje ne kete raport. Po sjell komplet pjesen qe flet per kohen e luftes.

Personalisht mendoj qe ky botim eshte nje reference mjaft e rendesishme per nje ceshtje e cila ka akoma dhe sot kaq shume debate, pasi raporti eshte hartuar nga nje pale e jashtme dhe pa interesa deformimesh te ngjarjeve (aq me teper qe eshte shkruar ne retrospektive per ngjarjet e luftes), dhe nuk eshte thjesht liber nga nje individ si kujtime personale po si raport zyrtar i Kongresit amerikan. Njekohesisht eshte botuar ne nje kohe relativisht te afert pas luftes, dhe eshte lehtesisht i referueshem dhe i aksesueshem nga te gjithe si reference.

 

 

There were a few Communist groups in Albania. The most important was the group of Korce (Koritsa).  Its members were workers who had formed a society called Puna (the "Work). To this group belonged the former Premier, now secretary of the Workers'(Communist) Party, Enver Hoxha, while he was still an insignificant teacher at the Lycee of Korce and played a secondary role in the local Communist movement. Less significant were the groups of Zjarri (the Fire) and that of Te Rinjte (the Young), both with headquarters at Tirana. A fourth group was that of Scuttari. Its program was to train leaders for the movement and to win new recruits. All these groups were extremely small, and frequently worked at cross purposes. Their contacts with Communist elements outside the country were tenuous.

Some months after the attack on Russia by Nazi Germany two emissaries of Tito, Miladin Popovic and Dusan Mugosa, members of the regional committee of the Yugoslav Communist Party for Kosovo and Metohija, arrived at Tirana. They had been entrusted with the task of forming the Albanian Communist Party. For the insignificant Albanian Communist groups, the Yugoslav emissaries wore the aureole of a party recognized by Moscow. In a brief time they succeeded in uniting the groups and in forming the Albanian Communist Party (November 8, 1941). They also chose the members of the central committee, among whom were Enver Hoxha, Koci Xoxe, and others.

It was obvious that the new party had to be dependent on the Yugoslav Communist Party. In fact, it was its branch; the newly elected members of the Albanian central committee informed the Yugoslav Communist Party that they would carry out the task which had been assigned to them. The Yugoslav central committee in turn advised the Comintern of the formation of the Albanian Communist Party and asked for instructions. The emissaries of Tito stayed in Albania during the whole period of the war, and they were the real bosses. Miladin Popovic was the political organizer, and Dusan Mugosa, better known under the pseudonym Sala, was the military organizer.

After its creation, the Albanian Communist Party issued several proclamations. It also took immediate steps for the constitution of cells and the strengthening of its ranks with new forces from among the workers and peasants. It worked for the ideological and political education of its cadres on the basis of Marxist-Leninist theory. It also set as one of its tasks to develop devotion to the U. S. S. R. and popularize her role as a vanguard in the fight against fascism. It strove to prepare the people, through sabotage, demonstrations, stikes, etc., both politically and militarily, for an armed insurrection.

During the winter of 1941-42 the process of the organization of the party in the whole country began. By April 1942 Miladin Popovid was able to report:

The assets for the popularization of the party have been high. In fact, the name of the Communist Party, which before one could not even hear in Albania, today is everywhere known and one speaks and writes about it. * * *  At the outset less, and today more, it combats not only through press, but it has also begun to condemn to death.

The Columnists anointed themselves as a party but the word "Communist" jarred on Albanian ears, and they needed popular support. They resorted to a political stratagem which had proved successful in neighboring countries. On September 16, 1942, they organized a conference at Peza, to which were invited Communists, non-Communists generally favorably disposed toward them, and some nationalists. Although all went there as individuals, the Communists tried to attach to them labels of party representation. It was their aim to represent the conference as a union of nationalists and Communists.

At the opening session Enver Hoxha introduced some of the members of the conference. Except for Abaz Kupi, who represented his nonguerrilla bands, none of the rest could claim to represent the group or the community to which he belonged.

The Communists in their speeches at the conference distorted the whole Albanian history. They endeavored to show that the Albanian insurrections of the modern period were communistic. Enver Hoxha, speaking about the fight against the invader, made a distinction between partisan guerrilla bands and voluntary ones. He proposed that the former would have as their insignia the Albanian flag with a red star—they were the Communist bands; the latter should have the plain Albanian flag. While the appellation "partisan" covered the Communists, the name "voluntary" stripped the nationalists of their proper motto. Both kinds of guerrilla bands would form the National Liberation Movement. In the National Liberation Council, which would direct the war against the occupants, Enver Hoxha included 4 Communists, 1 sympathizer, and 2 nationalists favorably disposed toward the Communists at the time (Abaz Kupi was one of them). It was evident that by such an arrangement the Albanian Communist Party would get control of the whole resistance movement.

The Albanian nationalists at the Peza Conference became aware of the trap and did not sign the resolution which proclaimed the creation of the National Liberation Movement. Nevertheless, the Communists told the people that the union between them and the nationalists "had been cemented," and that they would fight the invader together. It was soon learned in the towns that nothing of the sort had happened. In the villages, however, Communist propaganda perplexed the inhabitants. With the emergence of the National Liberation Movement, the Communists had another advantage, for the undesirable term "Communist" disappeared, and they could prepare their own civil revolution under the guise of a national revolution.

After the Peza Conference, the Communists intensified their activity. They increased the number of their guerrilla bands, which by then were called National Liberation bands. They began to establish National Liberation Councils in the liberated areas in order to take care of the provisions for the bands and the local administration. Communists were always placed in key positions.

Although Nationalists had begun to be apprehensive of the growing strength of the Communists, it was only after the Peza Conference that Balli Kombetar (The National Front) emerged under the leadership of Midhat Frasheri. Frasheri, a veteran democratic patriot and writer, had already formed a clandestine resistance movement centered at Tirana during the early days of the Italian occupation. The following of the National Front was recruited from all ranks except the Communists. Its leaders enjoyed considerable prestige as patriots.

The National Front had a large following, and the Communists, as long as they did not feel themselves strong, had to reckon with it, but they did not desire in reality a sincere understanding. Their aim was to seize control of the country ; and the Nationalist organization was a rival which had to be destroyed. Consequently, while the discussions for an agreement were going on, they made use of every possible kind of propaganda to undermine the position of the National Front.

When the Allies landed in Sicily, a serious attempt was made at collaboration between the National Front and the National Liberation Front (the camouflage of the Communist Party). The reason was pressure on the part of public opinion, pressure exerted by the British Military Mission, which had arrived a few months before, and the possibility of an Allied landing; in Albania. On August 2, 1943, representatives of both organizations met at Mukaj, a village near Tirana. The discussions were long and hot. After compromises on both sides, the two parties agreed on unity of action and on the formation of a common committee, which corresponded to a revolutionary government, was called the "Committee of National Salvation,"' and wag to direct the fight.

The agreement of Mukaj, however, remained a mere document. The Yugoslav emissaries, the real "bosses"' of the Albanian Communist Party, wrote on October 13, 1913:

The (Albanian) comrade delegates have fallen in Mukaj on the positions of the Nationalists and, being full of opportunism, they were satisfied with the simple change of a word or a sentence (in the agreement). At that time Comrade Tempo (Vukmanovic-Tempo, the principal Yugoslav Communist leader in Macedonia) was there (in Albania). We discussed and studied together with the Central Committee the whole matter, the situation, etc., and decided to reject the manifesto and to refuse to recognize the manner in which the Committee for the Salvation of Albania" was organized and its function as the supreme authority in the struggle for national liberation.

In the secret directions which the Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party subsequently sent to its provincial committees early in September 1943, it was stated : "You know that the agreement with the National Front * * * has been to the detriment of the National Liberation Movement and to our Party, and as such it has been disapproved by the Central Committee."

In September 1943 the Albanian Communists accepted the decisions of their Yugoslav superiors and agreed to launch a full-scale attack against the National Front. The Central Committee of the Albanian Communist Party gave instructions to its followers:

*** with relentless work to discredit the National Front before the people, to detach the people from it and to unite them with us*** to present it as striving for division and an instigator of fratricidal lighting, to make the people see that the policy of the National Front will lead us to armed conflict, to make it (so look) that the whole people will revolt because of it, and in this way the historical responsibility for the disunity of the Albanian people and for the armed conflict will fall *** on the National Front.

In the civil war which followed, terror was the most widely used weapon of the Communists. Formerly, they attacked the Axis' armies near villages so that the Germans and Italians would destroy them as reprisals, forcing thus the destitute peasants to join the Communist ranks. Now the ruin of every village burned by the Germans was attributed to the National Front. The inspiration of hatred against their fellow countrymen was their aim.

The German offensive in the winter of 1943-44 was very powerful and almost annihilated the Communist forces. Put the Germans did not seem to have aimed at that. They wanted to have their rear secure during their retreat from Albania, and that could be attained if they left the Albanian opposing forces struggling for power. After their recovery, the National Liberation forces met on May 24, 1944, in Permet, a town in southern Albania, and there they created the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Council, a supreme legislative and executive organ, and the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee with the attributes of a provisional government. Still the Albanian Communist Party did not dare come out without a camouflage. Its duplicity is manifested in the declaration of the Congress of Permet. On the one hand, it was maintained that there was no party or group which dominated the National Liberation Front; and on the other hand, it was plainly said that the Communist Party showed to the people the road to liberation and assumed the leadership.

In June 1944, Germany sent the 1st Mountain Division, one of her best units, from Greece to Albania. The subsequent offensive did not destroy the partisans. During the last stage of the fighting, the Communists, confident in their ability to seize power, met at Berat and on October 22, 1914, they changed the Anti-Fascist National Liberation Committee into the Democratic Government of Albania. Enver Hoxha, who had assumed the military rank of colonel general and had become the acknowledged party leader, was named Premier.

Everywhere the object of the Communist Party had been to remove all obstacles to its political power. In Albania its job was relatively easy. The National Front had been eliminated as an opposition partly because of its disintegration and partly because of the propaganda, favorable to the National Liberation Front, broadcast over the Allied radios. On the other hand, Albania had no government-in-exile, like Greece or Yugoslavia, nor were there any Allied forces in the country. What is more, the National Liberation Movement had the support of Tito's forces and of the Communist-controlled Greek EAM. When the German armies withdrew from Albania, the Government chosen at Berat installed itself at Tirana, on November 29, 1944, as the Government of Albania; Enver Hoxha remained the Prime Minister.

For a long time during the war there was a silence on the part of the Allies with respect to Albania. It was the United States, who had never recognized the annexation of Albania by the Italian Crown,  that broke the silence. On December 10, 1942, the Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, declared that on the basis of the Atlantic Charter, the United States of America wished to see a free Albania, self-governed and with sovereign rights. His statement raised the morale of the Albanian people who were fighting against the invader.

The American declaration was followed by a similar one made by the British Foreign Minister, Anthony Eden, but with the reservation that the frontiers of the Albanian state after the war would have to be considered at the peace settlement, if direct agreement between Albania and her neighbors should fail.

A federation for the Balkan peoples was during the war Moscow's unofficial line. Its official policy toward Albania was made public, like that of the United States and England, in the month of December 19-12. Molotov, the U. S. S. E. Foreign Minister, expressed the sympathy of the Soviet Government with the struggle of the Albanian patriots against the Italian forces and its wish to see Albania restored to independence. To Molotov's statement the Communists gave great publicity in Albania. Although help to the national liberation movement came from Britain and the United States, the greatest gratitude was expressed to the Soviet Union in the 1943 declaration of Permet:

The heroic war of the famous Red army, led by the strategic genius of Stalin, immobilized the principal armed forces of Hitler and his satellites on the eastern front, destroyed the most vital forces of fascism, and made possible the national liberation movements of the oppressed people. This is the greatest aid which has been given to our people in their history. For this help our people will be grateful to the Soviet Union.

What followed was enslavement.

Once in power, Hoxha's Communist government used every means to consolidate itself. It tried to get rid of all the hindrances in its way. Many opponents were brought before the people's courts to be judged as "war criminals" or "enemies of the people." Although the alleged object of the trials was to punish those who collaborated with the enemy, the true aim was to eliminate those who had influence over the people and might oppose the Communist regime. In fact, many of the collaborators whom the Communists needed for their purposes had been purified of their sins and were favored by the government. Of course, the government did not neglect the drive against the remaining anti-Communist guerrillas who were resisting in the mountains. In Albania the task was relatively easy. Frontiers were closed and the regime was supported by neighbors. Consequently every resistance was doomed to failure.

The National Liberation Front (originally known as the national liberation movement) had done its job. Conditions now required that it be named the Democratic Front. Premier Enver Hoxha and other responsible Communists made speeches, promising that the basis of the new front would be broadened to comprise all shades of political opinion. Soon it became clear, however, that this was just a fraud. Members of the Democratic Front, who truly favored its democratization, were ousted and later condemned for plotting against the regime.

22 Komente

Emo, qe ku e ke te plote. smiley
 

Mundesisht peshq, komentet dhe diskutimet te mos kene sharje apo ofendime. Qellimi i prurjes nuk eshte per ti dhene njeres pale apo tjeter te drejte, po per te sjelle nje reference te paanshme dhe te besueshme (per mua te pakten kjo eshte e tille), dhe nese keni te tjera te tilla, do ishte mire ti sillni.

P.S. Shpresoj ne mirkuptimin e administratoreve te Peshkut per mosfshirjen e temes. smiley

Xhibi, une i hodha nje sy dhe m'u duk nje raport i pergjithshem (pashe edhe pjesen tjeter te raportit) qe s'hedh ndonje drite kushedi ce rreth konfliktit te brendshem. Kongresi amerikan eshte (ishte) pale e interesuar ne kete bisede, aq me shume qe SHBA perjetonte ende makartizmin brenda vendit te vet.

Ceshtjet e revizionimit te historise po shtrohen gjer edhe ketej nga ne ne Itali: para pak kohesh u kerkua qe edhe fashistet te hynin tek deshmoret, meqe edhe keta te rene ne lufte ishin.

Ndoshta do t'ishte me e udhes qe figurat e akuzuara per bashkepunim me fashizmin te shqyrtoheshin nje nga nje e me dokumente (persa eshte e mundur) dhe te ndahej cfare ka qene propagande e ideologji komuniste nga bashkepunimi konkret me nazifashistet.

Dhe ne fund fare: historia s'eshte shkence ekzakte. Ne te subjektiviteti luan nje rol thuajse qendror.

Xhib, tani jom i sqarum per ate qe po te pysja dje dhe s'po e merrja vesh. Del e qarte fare: amerikani po thote qe lufta partizane vs. balliste eshte urdheruar nga jugosllavet dhe pasoi kete urdher! Kete doja me dit.

 

Emo, ne fakt s'e thote tamam ashtu me duket, hidhi nje sy dhe nje here, se nuk filloi aty konflikti midis paleve. smiley

Fini, nuk ka shume gjera qe s'jane 'zbuluar' nga ajo kohe, po ka teori shume te kontestueshme, dhe ndaj referencat asnjanese, dhe sidomos te jashtme, jane te nevojshme. Dmth vlera e raportit per mendimin tim nuk eshte tek gjerat e reja qe thote (mgjth per mua kishte mjaft detaje qe s'i dija) po se paraqet nje tablo te se teres, si lindi si u zhvillua, etj dhe tentoj ta besoj shume me shume se cdo liber i shkruar nga ballistet apo komunistet.

Dhe jo, ne vitin '54 amerikanet s'kishin ndonje interes te ndryshonin historine tone te 10 vjetve me pare, aq me teper qe kjo nuk ishte trakt i hedhur me aeroplan mbi ne per propogande.

Une e kuptoj qe mundohesh te kapesh, se kur s'je dakort me artikullin instikti i pare eshte qe te luftosh kredibilitetin e tij ose te burimit te lajmit. smiley

Tani ti thua s'ka shume, ai ka komplet nga fillimi deri ne mbarim, nga themelimi i PKSH, tek konferenca e Pezes, Mukes, dhe e Permetit. Si nje raport i pergjithshem them se ka mjaft material. smiley

Dhe se fundmi, subjektivitet ne histori ka, dmth eshte i pashmangshem, po qe te thuash qe luan rol qendror, eshte si te thuash bishti i maces luan rol qendron ne kapjen e miut. smiley Ose e thene ndryshe "varja fakteve dhe burimeve te tjera, mire e kemi versionin sic e kemi, se keshtu na pelqen disave, Amstel". smiley

Dokumenti në fjalë në fakt, është i nënshkruar me emër mbiemër tek ajo faqja e lidhjes.

Se tjetër të thuash raport i kongresit amerikan (yyyyyyyyyyyyyy, sounds more official).

dhe tjetër "raport në kongresin amerikan nga Charles J. Kersten" (që është autori).

Madje dyshimi i shtohet nëse përmendim dhe me ç'rast u shkruajt. Ky xhaxhi që e ka shkrujt psh gjatë atyre viteve ka qënë chairman of the Select Committee on Communist Aggression (Eighty-third Congress).

 

 

 

In September 1943 the Albanian Communists accepted the decisions of their Yugoslav superiors and agreed to launch a full-scale attack against the National Front.

.............

In the civil war which followed,

xhibo, kaq per ket tem. No more comments from my side.

Lufta Nac Cl eshte nga gjerat e pakta qe vendi im mundet me u krenu edhe nderkombtarisht. Na e kan njoft gjithashtu. Une nuk "fix" gjona qe s'jon te thyme, xhib.

Folena me naj tem letrare me mire.

Turqeta.

Emo, e kisha fjalen qe kur plasi fare ishte kulmi, nuk ishte fillimi as vazhdimi (ajo qe citove), sic dhe thote me pare.  Une padyshim nuk kisha qellim mbushje mendjesh dhe nderim opinionesh, se dhe ta kisha do ishte komplet e pamundur ti ndryshosh mendjen shqipove per ca ndodhi gjate luftes edhe sikur gjithe bota te mblidhet.  Qellimi ishte per te hedhur sadopak drite, dhe peshqit kontribojne secili, peshqit do what peshqit do. smiley

Po nejse, jam dakort qe ne temat letrare eshte me qef te debatohet. Turqeta, dhe mbaroje ate tregimin e kopshtit. smiley

 

 

Dokumenti në fjalë në fakt, është i nënshkruar me emër mbiemër tek ajo faqja e lidhjes.

Se tjetër të thuash raport i kongresit amerikan (yyyyyyyyyyyyyy, sounds more official).

dhe tjetër "raport në kongresin amerikan nga Charles J. Kersten" (që është autori).

Me pare problemi ishte se s'kishte shume material per luften ky raporti, se e investigove ti dhe kishte vetem ato dy paragrafe qe kisha sjelle, tani pas investigimit te dyte eshte qe eshte roman i ketij kongresmenit maniak, se ashtu kishte nje problem me ty ky, kur te vije gjysem shekulli me vone ta debatoje tek Peshku.

Raportet e kongresit nuk jane botime letrare, behen nga nje komision i caktuar, me njerez te caktuar sipas ceshtjeve qe marrin persiper, dhe dikush e prezanton ne Kongres. Ky ishte drejtuesi i atij komisioni dhe e prezantoi. E ka ne kapak ku thote "Given By Charles J. Kersten" 

Ka te shkruar dhe emrat e gjithe kongresmeneve qe ishin antare te komisionit, ku eshte dhe emri i ketij

CHARLES  J. KERSTEN, Wisconsin, Chairman
FRKD  E.  BUSBEY, Illinois
RAY  J.  MADDEN, Indiana
ALVIN  M.  BENTLEY, Michigan
TIIADDEUS  M.  MACHKOWICZ, Michigan
EDWARD  J.  BONIN. Pennsylvania
THOMAS  J.  DODD. Connecticut
PATRICK  J.  HILLINGS, California
MICHAEL A.  FEIGHAN, Ohio
James J.  McTIGUE, Committee Counsel
Edward  M.  O'CONNOR, Staff Director

 

Ka dhe hyrjen qe krediton te tjeret (jashte Kongresit) qe ndihmuan ne pergatitjen.

The committee wishes to express its appreciation for assistance in the preparation of this report to Georgetown University, its faculty, and to the group of experts from various parts of the United States who cooperated with the university. The record of hearings of the committee, together with individual sworn depositions from eyewitnesses, documents, exhibits, and other authoritative evidence formed the basis for this report.

Nejse, vazhdo hidh shashka ti.

Tani ti Xhibi ky raporti eshte 29 faqe (bashke me faqen e titullin dhe Indeksin), prej te cilave ne 2 faqe e gjysem ezaurohet historia e Shqiperise nga antikiteti te Lufta e Pare, me pak se gjashte faqe pushtimi italian dhe origjinat e regjimit komunist e keshtu me radhe.

Raportet amerikane te asaj kohe ne Kongresin amerikan per mua kane po aq kredibilitet sa Raportet ne Kongreset e Partise se Enver Hoxhes.

Me pare problemi ishte se s'kishte shume material per luften ky raporti, se e investigove ti dhe kishte vetem ato dy paragrafe qe kisha sjelle,

Ai problem është prapë.

kur te vije gjysem shekulli me vone ta debatoje tek Peshku.

e para një herë, e di që e bën të mërzitshme këtë punën e gjetjes më naive  kundërshtuese të mundshme që pastaj ua vesh të tjerëve. Kjo quhet "të krijosh pupaca", apo tollumbaca, e t'i çposh pastaj. 

prije tarbjatin.

e dyta, shikoje qëllimin politik dhe arsyen pse është përpiluar raporti, prej vetë postit që ka pasur ky zotëria në atë kohë:

chairman of the Select Committee on Communist Aggression

Atëherë siç i konsideronim ne armiq, na konsideronin dhe këta, po njësoj. Kështu që nuk është aq i pavarur politikisht. Këto raporte përpiloheshin se e kishin një qëllim, më kot për të shtuar dijet e kongresit nuk bëheshin de...

Si thu ti, pse e shkruajtën këtë?

Raport i kongresit duhet të ishte dhe ai që thoshte se Sadami kishte armë të shkatërrimit në masë psh, 50 vjet më pas.

Gjithashtu ky xhaxhi në raport, harron se u ka ndihmuar komunistëve me armë dhe municione në atë kohë.

C`fare eshte e re ne kete shkrim?Gjera qe dihen.

ky raporti eshte 29 faqe (bashke me faqen e titullin dhe Indeksin), prej te cilave ne 2 faqe e gjysem ezaurohet historia e Shqiperise nga antikiteti te Lufta e Pare, me pak se gjashte faqe pushtimi italian dhe origjinat e regjimit komunist e keshtu me radhe.

Fini, nuk njihemi shume virtualopeshkist, po me vjen gjynah qe katandis ne kete fare argumentimi. Thjesht thuaj nuk eshte ashtu, sepse keshtu e ashtu, ose si ky investiguesi tjeter thuaj eshte me qellime armiqosre, etj. po mos bej argumenta faqesh.  smiley

Nuk e kuptoj; kjo eshte dicka e shkruar, te gjithe e aksesojme dhe lexojme njesoj, dhe kete do mundoheni te na i ndryshoni sy per sy? lol Hajde te diskutosh histori me juve, per gjera qe ndodhen 60 vjet me pare. smiley

Raporti ka 22 faqe te shkruara, dhe nga ato, keto qe solla une, pra materiali i luftes ishin nga fundi i fq 7 deri tek fillimi i 12.  Pastaj eshte raport, s'eshte roman, s'eshte as histori e Shqiperise.

Po tek e fundit une e kam sjelle ketu gjithe materialin per luften, ca rendesi ka sa faqe ze ne raport dhe sa kapake ka raporti? E kupton sa absurde tingellojne keto? smiley

 

Atëherë siç i konsideronim ne armiq, na konsideronin dhe këta, po njësoj.

Eeshte e kote te vazhdosh te debatosh me nga nje shashke te re cdo koment, po sic e thashe dhe me lart, dy here, raporti u shkrua ne 54, lufta me duket sikur mbaroi goxha kohe me pare, per pjesen e luftes te pakten raporti eshte i shkruar ne retrospektive. Kishte interes te na ndryshonte historine e luftes kongresi amerikan, se na shikonte ne si armiq Amerika?

Nejse. Vazhdo vete tani e tutje.

 

Raporti eshte i pavlere nese ju nuk e lexoni me ate intonacionin dhe theksin e lexuesve profesional te kohes. Provojeni!

Meqe po flasim per raporte, para nja nje viti kam lexu nje raport te tille mbi "ndodhite e Panamase" smiley 

O xhibi, po ka ndonjë arsye të më përgjigjesh se pse është shkruar mo xhibi? Më gjej një arsye dhe thuje.

Po ishte luftë e ftohtë mo xhibi... kishte mbaru ajo e nxehta. Ky artikull ka kaq ngarkesë politike, sa në të njëjtën kohë, amerikanët shkruanin dhe të tilla.

O xhibo arixhio Kongresi ameriqane ne ate kohe njihte Korcen, Gjirokastren, Saranden deri ne Himare toke GREKE dhe nuk lejonte hyrjen e Shqiperise ne OKB!!!!!!  Nuk e njhte Jugun e shqiperise si toke shqiptare por Vorioepir... Shqiperia eshte antaresuar ne OKB 14 dhjetor 1955 !!!!!!!!

Xhibo arixhio vazhdo bjeri defit plako .... 

Hajde histori hajde.  Integriteti territorial i Shqiperise se 1913-tes, asnjehere nuk u vu ne pikepyetje ne asnje nga konferencat para apo pas luftes nga aleatet, e sidomos nga Amerika.  Nga i mesove keto me siper? Universiteti i Partise?

o i pakapshem te ka zene kapsi me duket!!!  Po shkruan percart.. Ka ndryshim kongresi amerikane me qeverine amerikane... !!! 

O i pakapshem qe jeni edhe me flamuj amerikane ju dhe nuk dini as gjerat me elementare si funksionon politika amerikane.. Kongresi ben raporte per shume gjera nga te drejtuar nga kongresmen te lloj-lloj lobingu dhe interesash.

Po te them ne ato vite kongresi amerikane e njihte Jugun per toke greke.. Per kete gje eshte bere lufte o i pakapshem me Grekun qe donte te clironte vorio-epirin me 1946 me ndihmen e aeroplaneve ameriqane.. O i pakapshem u kape tani???

Ndonje dokument historik te vleftshem ke per kete apo vetem brrockulla te partise? Ndonje ligj te kaluar nga kongresi amerikan dhe te firmosur nga presidenti per mosnjohjen e jugut si toke Shqiptare ke?   Kongresi amerikan more derdimen eshte pjese e qeverise amerikane, eshte pushteti legjislativ i qeverise amerikane.   Nuk behet historia me traplleqe qe te kane mesuar sllavobolsheviket per 40 vjet. 

It was obvious that the new party had to be dependent on the Yugoslav Communist Party. In fact, it was its branch; the newly elected members of the Albanian central committee informed the Yugoslav Communist Party that they would carry out the task which had been assigned to them.

 

Keto urdhra ishin:  Heqja dore nga dhe lehtesimi i ripushtimit te trojeve Shqiptare si Kosova, Maqedonia Perendimore dhe pjesa Jugore e Malit te Zi nga ana e padroneve te tyre Jugosllave.  Percarja e popullit dhe futja e vendit ne nje lufte civile.  Heqja nga pushteti e elementit nacionalist dhe instalimi i elementit anti-shqiptar e sllavofil.

 

ka ndonjë arsye të më përgjigjesh se pse është shkruar mo xhibi? Më gjej një arsye dhe thuje.

Ti e ke lexuar apo jo, se per pothuajse te gjitha objeksionet qe ke ngritur pergjigjet i ke te shkruara ne raport.

The purpose of this report is to telescope the essentials of the history of Albania and its people; including the period of Communist takeover and occupation of that nation. It is hoped that this report will help the American people to understand better the nations and people enslaved by communism and thereby to more fully appreciate the true nature, tactics, and final objectives of the criminal conspiracy of world communism.

Ne ishim kavje studimi, sic beheshin studime ne vende ku binte kolera, se deshin te dinin doktoret si perparon virusi e ca ndodh, ashtu dhe ne  kete rast, sic dhe thote vete shpjegimi.

Dhe te supozojme qe meqe Amerika ishte kundra komunizmit si ideologji dhe prandaj na kishte ne friken e deshte te na denigronte historine me nje raport te tille, nderkohe qe ne per Ameriken s'perbenim as ekuivalentin e bezdise te mizes ne bisht te kalit, eshte njesoj si te gjesh ndonje artikull opinioni alla merobazist te kohes se atehershme ne revistat amerikane, si ai qe solle linkun, dhe te thuash "shiko ca shkruanin amerikanet" duke e barazuar me raportin.

Sa "arsye" te tilla jane bere deri tani se pse ne nuk duhet ta marrim per baze kete raport?

Sa lodheni kot ne perpjekje per te diskredituar cdo burim, pavaresisht cilin, kur s'jeni dakort me ca thote, me mire kapni ndonje gje konkrete te tij, ndonje citat, dhe mundohuni ta diskreditoni ashtu pjese-pjese, dhe jepni variantin tuaj se si kane ndodhur gjerat aty ku s'jeni dakort me permbajtjen.

Se keshtu me lufte frontale, duket si lufte donkishoti kur mundohet nje apo disa peshk virtualiste te diskreditoje kongresin amerikan te kohes, se na i paskerkshe me te padrejte neve ngaqe na shikonte si armik dhe dashke te na ndryshonte historine e luftes.

Faleminderit qe e solle, xhibi.

Nderkohe, sipas keshillave te nderthorta te kritikuesve ketu, hajde t'i fusim nje te lexuar dhe konspektim vepres madhore "Rreziku Anglo-Amerikan per Shqiperine".

 raporti  ne fakt thote gjera qe dihen (sa i perket varesise se partise komuniste shqiptare ndaj asaj jugosllave gjate atyre viteve). per me teper ne vitin 54, ne ishim prish nderkaq me jugosllavet (u prishem qe ne 49). a flitet ne raport per kete ?

ne qofte se jo, kjo tregon se amerikanet nuk kishin bere akoma update te burimeve te tyre. fakti tend se ne as sa nje mize kali, nuk i shqetesonim, e shpjegon akoma me qarte kete moskokçarje te tyren.

por kjo ul gjithashtu dhe interesin "e ketij studimi". 

shqiperia komuniste ka qene vend fare i panjohur per te huajt, ngaqe tek ne nuk pranoheshin turistet e huaj, e vetmja mundesi per te futur agjente ose rekrutuar spiune ne vend.

Ne ishim kavje studimi, sic beheshin studime ne vende ku binte kolera, se deshin te dinin doktoret si perparon virusi e ca ndodh, ashtu dhe ne  kete rast, sic dhe thote vete shpjegimi.

 Ki më respekt për veten.

Ajo që duhet të kuptosh psh, është se nuk je më pafat se një ish ushtar amerikan që ka humb jetën a këmbë e dorë në moçalet e Vietnamit.

Dhe te supozojme qe meqe Amerika ishte kundra komunizmit si ideologji dhe prandaj na kishte ne friken e deshte te na denigronte historine me nje raport te tille, nderkohe qe ne per Ameriken s'perbenim as ekuivalentin e bezdise te mizes ne bisht te kalit, eshte njesoj si te gjesh ndonje artikull opinioni alla merobazist te kohes se atehershme ne revistat amerikane, si ai qe solle linkun, dhe te thuash "shiko ca shkruanin amerikanet" duke e barazuar me raportin.

Po çtë supozojmë... ashtu ishte.

Më tej të thashë, mos ndërto pupacë që t'i gjush, se nuk më impresionon kjo. Thjesht tregon që ke mangësi argumentimi. Amerika dhe amerikani, nuk mendojnë si xhib shqiptari. Se për ty është normale (edhe për mua) të kem frikë të tjerët se jam shtetas i një shteti të vogël. Amerika e ka përdorur retorikën antikomuniste, në emër të shumë ndërhyrjeve nëpër botë. Ky raport, si shumë të tjerë, shërbenin si baza argumentuese ku këta "doktorë" ndërhynin më pas në shtete të tjera. Si në Vietnam, Kore, Guatemalë, Iran, Greqi etj. Këto ndërhyrje i bënin për interesat e veta dhe justifikimi ishte vetëm një: sulmojmë komunizmin.

Atë artikullin që prura, më duket se sia ke pa mirë burimin, e ka lart fare te paragrafi i parë:

Udhëzime të formuluara për publikun e gjerë amerikan nga Shtabi i Përgjithshëm i Ushtrisë së Sh.B.A dhe të shpërndara nëpër media në vitet ‘50.

 

Sa "arsye" te tilla jane bere deri tani se pse ne nuk duhet ta marrim per baze kete raport?

Arsyet janë aq sa ndërhyrje ka bërë Amerika kundër "komunizmit" nëpër botë.

Për të komentuar tek Peshku pa ujë, ju duhet të identifikoheni ose të regjistroheni (regjistrimi është falas).